On Friday, June 12, 2026, an event took place in Venezuela that is closely linked to what occurred in Mexico on Sunday, February 22 of that same year. On those days, two dangerous and violent criminals were killed.
In the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Héctor Rusthenford Guerrero Flores—known as “Niño Guerrero,” leader of the Tren de Aragua cartel—was eliminated; in the United Mexican States, Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes—known as “El Mencho,” head of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel—met the same fate. In both instances, despite differing methods and levels of involvement, the U.S. government was the driving force behind the operations to take down these criminals.
Prior to the airstrike that ended “Niño Guerrero’s” life, the U.S. President had warned of the cooperation with the Bolivarian government led by Delcy Rodríguez (following the ousting of Nicolás Maduro in January 2026) and the war he would wage in that country to eliminate drug cartels. Regarding Mexico, Donald Trump spoke about the cooperation involved in taking down “El Mencho” after the fact, highlighting not only the role of U.S. security agencies but also the cooperation with the administration of President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo.
A few days ago, U.S. Drug Czar Sara Carter issued a rallying cry: they are going after more targets. Leveraging cooperation with Mexico, they have set their sights on corrupt politicians within Mexican territory who facilitate the operations of drug cartels—much as they have done, Carter noted, against the “Sinaloa Clan.” This group includes Rubén Rocha Moya, the Governor of Sinaloa (currently on leave), and nine of his closest associates (two of whom have already turned themselves in), among them a Senator and the Mayor of Culiacán. With “El Mencho,” the Culiacán clan, and now “Niño Guerrero,” the U.S. government has demonstrated the three strategies it is using to target foreign cartels.
Regarding the leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel—according to Trump himself and the U.S. anti-drug czar—the U.S. shared intelligence with the Mexican government and Secretary of National Defense Ricardo Trevilla Trejo, providing the drug lord’s exact location and urging Mexican authorities to capture or kill him. Acting on U.S. intelligence, Mexican officers killed Oseguera Cervantes after he and his security detail resisted and returned fire.
In the case of “Niño Guerrero,” U.S. intervention was direct—albeit conducted remotely—involving a “swift and lethal strike” that ended the criminal’s life; the operation likely took place with Venezuela’s tacit approval, given that it occurred on Venezuelan soil.
While the U.S. told Mexico to “go get” El Mencho—providing his location—and directly attacked Niño Guerrero, the strategy against the Culiacán clan relies on the justice system. In other words, whereas drug traffickers are targeted for elimination, politicians who facilitate drug trafficking and organized crime are pursued through legal channels.
On this matter, U.S. anti-drug czar Sara Carter stated that they have set their sights on “those in the government who sold out to the cartels, who made it easier for them to operate… all the government officials who are part of the Culiacán clan”—specifically Rocha Moya and his associates—for “protecting the Sinaloa Cartel, Los Chapitos, Los Mayitos, the Guzmáns, and El Chapo’s entire operation.” In a televised interview in the United States, Carter warned that the U.S. President was determined to go after corrupt politicians who support the cartels; regarding Mexico, he stated, “We are coming for you if you don’t cooperate with us, and you will regret it.”
For now, two of the ten individuals identified as part of the “Culiacán clan”—led by Rocha Moya, according to an indictment filed in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York—have already decided to cooperate. The rest remain, as does the need for Mexico to join forces—much as it did regarding the takedown of “El Mencho” and the investigation into other officials who diverted public resources to protect drug traffickers.
The United States has revealed three strategies for combating drug trafficking from within its own borders: either taking targets down directly via precision air operations, providing information leading to their capture or death, or—in the case of government officials and public servants—revoking their entry visas and launching investigations that will culminate in U.S. courts. This latter possibility is reinforced by the likely appointment of Jay Clayton—the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York who signed the indictments against Rocha Moya and his nine Sinaloa officials—as Director of Intelligence.
