It may not seem like much of an achievement, but completing a five-year presidential term in Peru is something that, over the last decade, has eluded the eight individuals who held the office before the right-wing Keiko Fujimori, 51. That will be one of the main challenges facing the first woman to win the presidency at the ballot box—having defeated her left-wing rival, Roberto Sánchez, by a narrow margin of 49,000 votes (less than 1% of the electorate).
She takes office on her fourth attempt, following three consecutive narrow defeats, in a country mired in political instability and fractured by inequality, ideological differences, and regional tensions—with the impoverished, predominantly Indigenous south serving as a hotbed of opposition to her rule.
Fujimori will need to apply the same perseverance that brought her to the presidency to convince the half of the electorate that did not vote for her—in fact, Sánchez won the domestic vote, while the ballots cast by Peruvians abroad tipped the scales in Fujimori’s favor—of the new image she is beginning to craft.
On the international stage, she will govern surrounded by ideological allies across Latin America and the United States, a country that views the region as its sphere of hegemonic influence. Offering effusive congratulations to the new president on social media, the State Department emphasized security in a statement: “The Trump Administration looks forward to deepening collaboration with the Fujimori Administration to boost security cooperation and strengthen bilateral cooperation on investment and trade in our region.”
Fujimori’s response to the U.S. ambassador to Peru was equally enthusiastic; she expressed her “full readiness” to cooperate, stating, “We are ready to work together from day one.” From Bukele in El Salvador to Milei in Argentina and De la Espriella in Colombia, right-wing and far-right Latin American presidents congratulated Fujimori.
Since the end of the campaign, she has spoken sparingly and carefully calibrated her tone to be conciliatory: “starting a path of order and hope,” “seeking reconciliation and unity,” and “governing for all Peruvians.” What this will actually translate into remains an open question. However, she has already announced a preparedness plan for the El Niño phenomenon, which could intensify due to climate change and cause flooding.
Attracting private investment and incentivizing small businesses are other key priorities; consequently, one of her first actions as president-elect was to visit the Central Reserve Bank. There, she met with its president, Julio Velarde, and asked him to remain at the helm of the institution for another five years. Velarde accepted the proposal immediately. The decision aims to signal continuity in monetary policy and reassure the markets of stability. This is no minor detail; Velarde has presided over the Central Reserve Bank since 2006 and, in nearly two decades, has seen ten presidents of the Republic come and go. In a country plagued by successive political crises, Velarde stands as the most recognizable face of economic stability.
However, Fujimori’s main challenge is linked to the primary concern of the Peruvian people: public insecurity. The latest report from the Public Prosecutor’s Office reveals the scale of crime in Lima, noting 152 murders linked to extortion attacks against drivers—a widespread crime affecting transport workers and small business owners alike between 2024 and the present.
During the campaign, Fujimori promised a firm stance against this crime, drawing on her father’s legacy of defeating terrorism in the 1990s to frame her fight against today’s organized crime. Her proposals included, among other measures, targeting the financial structures of these gangs, deploying military patrols on public transport, and requiring prisoners to work for their food.
Since the election results were made official on July 3, she has launched a social media account to showcase the transition of power, projecting an image of an executive who is decisive and gets things done. The account features short videos showing her speaking via video call or telephone with political figures—such as Spanish opposition leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo and Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado—as well as presidents like Milei (to whom she complains about the bureaucracy within the Peruvian state and mentions that she will implement measures “similar” to those he has enacted in Argentina) and ambassadors, including China’s.
